Mennonite Church USA, like other Christian denominations, is committed to becoming an antiracist
church. One of the things that makes that difficult is that racism, like many
systems and like the “powers” described in the New Testament, is pernicious and
likes to remain hidden from our awareness. Part of becoming antiracist is keeping our awareness of racism alive.
The opposite of that awareness is denial, and such denial
runs rampant in our society. We like to pretend we aren’t as racist as we may
be. A recent article in The Atlantic (September) helps call us to task.
In “Fear of a Black President,” Ta-Nehisi Coates, a senior
editor at the magazine, writes that as our first black president, Barack Obama
has avoided mention of race almost entirely. He goes on: “In having to be
‘twice as good’ and ‘half as black,’ Obama reveals the false promise and double
standard of integration.”
The fact that Americans elected a black president is often
cited as evidence that we have moved beyond race as a factor in our politics.
But that notion is shown to be false.
This does not mean that opposing policies of the Obama
administration signifies racism. Racism is a much subtler system.
Coates points to an irony of the United States: “For most of
American history, our political system was premised on two conflicting
facts—one, an oft-stated love of democracy; the other, an undemocratic white
supremacy inscribed at every level of government.”
Coates shows this irony in the events around the death of
Trayvon Martin last February. As soon as Obama addressed the parents and said,
“If I had a son, he’d look like Trayvon,” the case moved from a kind of
national mourning to what Coates calls “racialized political fodder,” and he
gives numerous examples.
Historically, Coates writes, African Americans have been
limited to protest and agitation in addressing the disconnect between democracy
and white supremacy. Now, when Obama pledged to “get to the bottom of what
happened” in the Martin case, he was not appealing to federal power—he was employing
it. “The power was black,” Coates writes, “and, in certain quarters, was
received as such.”
“Racism is not merely a simplistic hatred,” Coates writes.
“It is, more often, broad sympathy toward some and broader skepticism toward
others.” He notes several studies that have shown the role of race in voting
patterns and in opposition to and support for health-care reform. After Obama’s
election, the rhetoric of fear became much more prevalent. Signs at Tea Party
rallies read, “Obama plans white slavery,” and one congressman complained that
Obama “favors the black person.”
The double standard of having to be twice as good “haunts
and constrains the Obama presidency, warning him away from candor about
America’s sordid birthmark.” Coates points out that in the first two years as
president, “Obama talked less about race than any other Democratic president
since 1961.”
The myth of “twice as good,” writes Coates, “holds that
African Americans—enslaved, tortured, raped, discriminated against and
subjected to the most lethal homegrown terrorist movement in American
history—feel no anger toward their tormentors.”
Coates makes clear he does not agree with all of Obama’s
views. He particularly abhors his embrace of a secretive drone policy. His
point is about the pernicious presence of racism in our politics. “Race is not
simply a portion of the Obama story,” he writes. “It is the lens through which
many Americans view all his politics.”
The problem goes beyond politics and affects—infects—every
area of society. Love, not fear, should guide us.